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張?zhí)┨K |“亞洲語境下的比較法律史”專輯前言暨本期內(nèi)容提要
2025年02月10日 預(yù)覽:

【內(nèi)容提要】


張?zhí)┨K |“亞洲語境下的比較法律史”專輯前言暨本期內(nèi)容提要

Asian Journal of Law and Society Vol. 11 No. 3 (2024)






“亞洲語境下的比較法律史”專輯前言



耶魯大學(xué)法學(xué)院教授,Asian Journal of Lawand Society編委會成員、本專輯客座主編



法律史研究一直面臨某種身份認(rèn)同的困境。作為法學(xué)和史學(xué)研究的交叉領(lǐng)域,它自然地融合了兩個領(lǐng)域的特點:承襲史學(xué)的檔案考據(jù)與史料分析傳統(tǒng),沿襲法學(xué)以法律功能與意義為核心的分析取向。使問題更趨復(fù)雜的是,過去數(shù)十年間,法律史研究的主導(dǎo)趨勢已明確轉(zhuǎn)向社會科學(xué)的學(xué)科交叉。社會學(xué)、政治學(xué)、經(jīng)濟學(xué)及批判理論等領(lǐng)域的理論與方法,在塑造法學(xué)學(xué)者的歷史研究架構(gòu)方面發(fā)揮了重要作用。由此,法律史如今成為歷史研究中最具跨學(xué)科特質(zhì)的領(lǐng)域之一,是多重知識傳統(tǒng)重疊交互的樞紐。一方面,這種學(xué)科特質(zhì)在智識層面是令人振奮且內(nèi)涵豐富的;但另一方面,它也使得法律史難以輕易界定自身的核心范式與學(xué)科邊界。當(dāng)然,將這一領(lǐng)域凝聚在一起的是對法律與法律制度的共同關(guān)切,但除此之外,這一領(lǐng)域仍呈現(xiàn)出令人困惑的多維性。

與此同時,跨越時間與空間的比較分析,已成為過去幾十年來法律史研究的一個重要主題。這一趨勢的形成,部分源于法律及其制度形態(tài)的相對規(guī)范性?!胺墒菄翌C布的正式規(guī)則”這一核心概念,使得法律在截然不同的歷史語境中仍具有某種程度的共性。中國漢朝與羅馬帝國在社會或政治層面幾乎毫無共通之處,但它們的法律在功能與形式上卻存在一定的相似性,這使得漢律與羅馬法的比較研究變得直觀易懂。優(yōu)秀的比較分析通常要求比較對象具備足夠的共性,從而使它們的差異在分析上具有意義。法律的相對規(guī)范化形式天生能夠提供這種共性,或許比社會政治分析中的許多其他核心概念——如國家、社會、經(jīng)濟、宗教等——更能勝任這一角色。

此次法律史專輯所收錄的論文,充分體現(xiàn)了上述特質(zhì)。一方面,這些論文深度涉足并投諸歷史材料上的那些問題、方法與智識框架,遠(yuǎn)超其直接的認(rèn)知邊界。當(dāng)這些論文試圖界定法律知識的內(nèi)涵、理解言論自由的社會政治功能,或?qū)ΡO(jiān)察與巡察職能進行比較型思考時,它們不得不采用源自外部領(lǐng)域的概念框架與理論模型,并將其嫁接到歷史素材中。這種與外部理論的顯著聯(lián)系,使得近乎所有這些文章有別于大多數(shù)純歷史期刊所發(fā)表的文章。然而它們所援引的外部理論卻截然不同。

另一方面,此次專輯的多數(shù)論文也具有顯著的比較研究特征,或比較不同地區(qū)的司法管轄制度,或?qū)ν凰痉ü茌犞贫冗M行歷時性比較。在這兩種情況下,研究者都必須將法律及法律制度在所有比較組中的相似性作為比較的錨點。在一些情形下,這種相似性是形式上的,源于法律在時間維度上的形式連續(xù)性,即便其社會政治功能已發(fā)生變化。在另一些情形下,尤其是在涉及跨區(qū)域比較時,這種相似性本身必然是功能性的,并成為其他功能特征比較與對照的基礎(chǔ)。

因此,此次專輯在很大程度上捕捉到了法律史領(lǐng)域整體所特有的方法論多樣性與比較研究廣度。這在很大程度上是精心設(shè)計的:作為本專輯的共同主編,陳利與筆者希望呈現(xiàn)一種以中國或東亞為中心的法律史研究切片,以此反映該領(lǐng)域更廣泛的特質(zhì)。于是,問題在于:這些論文是否仍能在某種智識意義上“凝聚成一個整體”,從而使讀者從專輯整體的閱讀中獲得比以分散方式單獨閱讀每篇論文更多的收獲。

我們認(rèn)為答案是肯定的。將這些論文凝聚在一起的,不僅僅是它們對東亞(或中國)的共同志趣或?qū)Ψ傻墓餐P(guān)注。尤其是后者,在文章之間創(chuàng)造了作者在最初撰寫時可能并未預(yù)料到的分析層面的聯(lián)系。例如,任何關(guān)于司法實踐或律師制度的研究,必然依賴于對國家在當(dāng)?shù)厥聞?wù)中一般角色的某些假設(shè),而這種假設(shè)本身又必然取決于國家如何對當(dāng)?shù)匦袆诱哒归_內(nèi)部監(jiān)控與規(guī)范。除非同時預(yù)設(shè)某種政治表達(dá)模式與司法執(zhí)行機制,否則言論法或衛(wèi)生法的研究將難以成立。同樣,對與法律相關(guān)的政治習(xí)俗與社會規(guī)范的研究,也必須探討法律的表達(dá)功能及其如何被社會接受。這些問題的相互關(guān)聯(lián)性在時間與空間上并無太大差異:它們都以抽象但共同的方式圍繞國家的核心制度展開,即便國家本身的形態(tài)與功能可能存在根本差異,羅馬帝國與中國清朝即為此例。

事實上,正是此次專輯在研究主題上所呈現(xiàn)的巨大實質(zhì)差異,真正凸顯了那些可能無法回避的分析性紐帶。這些紐帶將它們緊密聯(lián)系在一起,并由此將法律史界定為了一個研究領(lǐng)域。一個縱貫約兩千年、橫跨三大洲司法管轄區(qū)的專題研究,其文章的組成部分仍不約而同地觸及國家表達(dá)、制度功能、委托-代理問題以及社會接受度等相互關(guān)聯(lián)的議題。

這一切或許表明,在分析層面,“法律”是一種比“國家頒布的正式規(guī)則”更為厚重的概念?;蛘哒f,“國家頒布的正式規(guī)則”這一概念本身在功能上就已經(jīng)足夠厚重和復(fù)雜,以至于它本身自成一個獨立的認(rèn)知領(lǐng)域,即便學(xué)者們用以研究它的直接工具也已然包羅社會科學(xué)全域。因此,法律史研究必然同時是對法律的研究與對歷史的研究,并承襲了法學(xué)研究所有的分析特征與豐富內(nèi)涵。將其簡單地視為歷史學(xué)的一個子領(lǐng)域是不夠的。相反,與廣義的法學(xué)研究一樣,法律史屬于那種本質(zhì)上摒棄了學(xué)科純粹性的“聯(lián)結(jié)領(lǐng)域”。



《亞洲法與社會雜志》2024年第3期內(nèi)容摘要



01 研究論文



1. InResponse to Constitutional Crisis: The Latent Carl Schmitt in Zhang Junmai’sPolitical Thought

回應(yīng)憲政危機:潛存于張君勱政治思想中的卡爾·施密特

陳丹丹(DandanChen), 紐約州立大學(xué)法明代爾州立學(xué)院

Abstract: This paper examines two responses to the global constitutional crises in thetwentieth century, with a focus on a comparison between Carl Schmitt, anotorious German political theorist and critic of liberal constitutionalism andZhang Junmai, a constitutionalist in Republican China. After the First WorldWar, both Germany and China experienced constitutional crises, which promptedcritical reflections among intellectuals. My paper is the first to discover andexamine the latent element of Carl Schmitt in Zhang Junmai’s acceptance of theWeimar Constitution. My research shows that Zhang’s 1930 article, “Hugo Preuss(Author of the New German Constitution), His Concept of the State and HisPosition in the History of German Political Theory” (德國新憲起草者柏呂斯之國家觀念及其在德國政治學(xué)說史上之地位) ishis Chinese translation of Carl Schmitt’s 1930 article, “Hugo Preuss: HisConcept of the State and His Position in German State Theory” (“Hugo Preuss:Sein Staatsbegriff und seine Stellung in der deutschen Staatslehre”). Insteadof simply regarding Zhang’s writing as plagiarism, my paper interrogates thegaps between Carl Schmitt’s original text and Zhang’s translation. By examiningthe intertextual relation between Carl Schmitt and Zhang Junmai, this paperreveals a latent aspect of the spectrum of Constitutionalism in the twentiethcentury and shows a special dialogue between a German critic ofconstitutionalism and a Chinese constitutionalist.

摘要:本文探討了20世紀(jì)全球憲政危機的兩種應(yīng)對方式,重點比較了德國著名政治理論家、自由憲政主義批評者卡爾·施密特(Carl Schmitt)與中華民國憲政主義者張君勱的思想。第一次世界大戰(zhàn)后,德國與中國都經(jīng)歷了憲政危機,這促使知識分子進行了批判性反思。本文首次發(fā)現(xiàn)并探討了卡爾·施密特在張君勱接受魏瑪憲法過程中的潛在影響。我的研究表明,張君勱于1930年發(fā)表的文章《德國新憲起草者柏呂斯之國家觀念及其在德國政治學(xué)說史上之地位》實質(zhì)上是卡爾·施密特1930年文章《雨果·普魯斯:其國家觀念及其在德國國家學(xué)說中的地位》(“Hugo Preuss: Sein Staatsbegriff und seine Stellung in der deutschenStaatslehre”)的中文翻譯。本文并不簡單將張君勱的寫作認(rèn)定為抄襲,而是深入分析卡爾·施密特原文與張君勱譯文之間的差異。通過考察卡爾·施密特與張君勱之間的文本互文關(guān)系,本文揭示了20世紀(jì)憲政主義譜系中一個潛在的維度,并展現(xiàn)了一位德國憲政主義批評者與一位中國憲政主義者之間的特殊對話。

Keywords: internal politics, externalpolitics, concept of the political, Rechtsstaat, neutral state

關(guān)鍵詞:內(nèi)政、外政、政治概念、法治國家、中立國家



2. Concretisingthe Legal Professional Community in Late Imperial China, c. 1700–1900

1700-1900年帝國晚期中國法律職業(yè)共同體的具體化

陳利(Li Chen),多倫多大學(xué)法學(xué)院歷史學(xué)研究生部

Abstract: Thisarticle examines the empire-wide legal professional community that emerged forthe first time in Chinese history during the Qing period (1644–1911). Byanalyzing a wide range of archival records and primary sources, this studyprovides valuable insights into the dynamic configurations of late imperialChina’s legal culture and juridical field, as well as the thousands of legalspecialists who shaped them. The findings challenge much of the received wisdomabout late imperial China, which has too often been assumed as a Confuciansociety that discouraged the use of law and legal expertise and was thereforeunlikely to have witnessed so many Confucian literati becoming legalspecialists, both within and outside the judicial system.

摘要:本文探討了清朝時期(1644-1911年)首次在中國歷史上出現(xiàn)的、帝國范圍內(nèi)的法律職業(yè)共同體。通過分析大量檔案記錄和原始文獻(xiàn),本研究深入揭示了晚清法律文化和司法領(lǐng)域的動態(tài)格局,以及塑造這些格局的數(shù)千名法律專業(yè)人士。研究結(jié)果對有關(guān)晚清中國的傳統(tǒng)認(rèn)知提出了挑戰(zhàn)。長期以來,晚清社會常被視為一個抑制法律運用和法律專業(yè)發(fā)展的儒家社會,因此不可能有如此多的儒家士人成為司法系統(tǒng)內(nèi)外的法律專家。

Keywords: Qinglaw, legal culture, juridical field, legal professionals, Chinese legaltradition

關(guān)鍵詞:清代法律、法律文化、司法領(lǐng)域、法律專業(yè)人士、中國法律傳統(tǒng)



3. Interrogating the Drunkards and RepresentingDrunkenness in the Qing Law

清朝法制下對酗酒者的訊問與醉酒表述

郭躍斌(Jackson Yue Bin Guo),多倫多大學(xué)

AbstractThe consumption of shaojiu or distilled liquor played a significant role in Qing legal culture and contributedto a rise in alcohol-related crimes. Qing officials’ attitudes towardsintoxication not only influenced their judgments on many cases, but alsoreflected important trends of popular beliefs, notions, and practices thatconstituted shared knowledge and feelings between ordinary people and judges.This paper examines the transformation of Qing judicial practices and concernsregarding alcohol intoxication and crimes, arguing that specific cultural valueand ideas that underpinned the public configuration of drinking behaviourduring the Qing period contributed to a social pathology around intoxication.Due to the lack of a consistent interpretation of the effects of alcohol on themind, early Qing officials tended to be lenient towards intoxicated offenders.However, mid-Qing law-makers and rulers recognized the serious administrativeconcerns associated with heavy drinking and began to conceptualize it as aserious social problem.

摘要:燒酒或白酒消費在清朝法律文化中發(fā)揮著重要作用并推動了涉酒犯罪的增長。清朝官吏對醉酒的態(tài)度不僅影響著他們對許多案件的判決,也反映了公眾信仰、觀念和實踐的重要走向。這也構(gòu)成了普通人與法官的共同知識與感受。本文探討了醉酒和犯罪在清朝引發(fā)的社會關(guān)切及其司法實踐轉(zhuǎn)型,并認(rèn)為清朝公眾飲酒行為所仰賴的特定文化價值與觀念導(dǎo)致了一種關(guān)于醉酒的社會病態(tài)。由于缺乏一種酒精對精神影響的統(tǒng)一解釋,清朝早期官吏往往對醉酒罪犯寬大處理。然而,清朝中期的立法者和統(tǒng)治者開始認(rèn)識到與醉酒相關(guān)的嚴(yán)重行政問題,并將其概念化為一個嚴(yán)重的社會問題。

Keywords: intoxication; mens rea; alcohol; judicialpractice; Qing Dynasty

關(guān)鍵詞: 醉酒,犯罪意圖,酒精,司法實踐,清朝



4. The Sale of Offices, Corruption, and Formalization: AComparative Study of China and France in the Seventeenth and EighteenthCenturies

官職買賣、腐敗及其正式化:對17、18世紀(jì)中法兩國情況的比較研究

黃新宇(Xinyu Huang),北京大學(xué)國際法學(xué)院

AbstractThis paper provides a detailed exploration of the sale of offices inChina and France in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. In France, thesale of offices became deeply integrated into the officialdom, effectivelyserving as a formal institution. It was a part of the financial framework andcontributed to the operation of the bureaucracy. However, this practice led topublic dissatisfaction due to concerns about the fairness of the judicialsystem. Conversely, in China, the sale of offices was less formalized and moredirectly associated with corruption due to the close connection with informalincome and the challenge to the formal system of imperial civil examinations. Itwas considered an ad hoc, informal, and pragmatic solution to financialemergencies. The sale of offices, in a different context, was seen as havingboth positive and negative aspects, with its impact varying, depending on thespecific function it served.

摘要:本文詳細(xì)探討了17、18世紀(jì)中、法兩國的官職買賣問題。在法國,官職買賣深刻融入到了官僚體系中,實際上成為了一種正式制度。其成為法國財政制度的一部分,并有助于官僚體系的運作。但是,這導(dǎo)致公眾對司法體系公正性的擔(dān)憂,并產(chǎn)生不滿。相反,中國官職買賣的正式化程度更低,并與腐敗有更直接的關(guān)聯(lián),因為其與非正式收入關(guān)系密切,并沖擊正式的科舉制度。它被認(rèn)為是一種旨在應(yīng)對財政危機的特殊、非正式、務(wù)實的應(yīng)對措施。在不同情況下,官職買賣被認(rèn)為既有積極層面、也有消極層面,其影響因其所起到的具體功能而異。

Keywords: sale of offices, corruption, formalization,China, France

關(guān)鍵詞: 官職買賣,腐敗,正式化,中國,法國



5. AdulteryLaw and State Power in Early Empires: China and Rome Compared

早期帝國的通奸法與國家權(quán)力:中國與羅馬的比較研究

李蕓鑫(Yunxin Li), 西蒙斯大學(xué)歷史系

AbstractAs ancient China and Rome transformed into empires, both states showed anincreasing interest in regulating family ethicsand individuals` sexuality. Using excavated documents and transmitted texts,this article compares legal statutes and practices against illicit consensualsex in early imperial China (221 BCE–220 CE) with those in theRoman empire. On the one hand, both legal systems aimed at consolidating socialhierarchies based on gender, status, and generation. On the other, the Romanand Chinese statutes had different emphases due to their respective political,social, and cultural contexts, and the actual penalties for adultery and incestdiffered significantly from those prescribed in the statutes. In both empires,control over individuals` sexuality facilitated state power`s penetration intothe family during empire-building, giving rise to laws in areas that had beenlargely left to customs and individual will.

摘要:隨著古代中國和古羅馬建立帝制,兩國都對規(guī)制家庭道德和個人性行為的興趣越來越大。本文利用出土文獻(xiàn)和流傳下來的文本,比較了早期帝制中國(公元前 221 年至公元 220 年)與羅馬帝國時期禁止非法合意性行為的法律法規(guī)和實踐。一方面,兩國法律體系都旨在鞏固基于性別、地位和世代的社會等級制度。另一方面,由于各自的政治、社會和文化背景,羅馬和中國的法律有不同的側(cè)重點,并且對通奸和亂倫的實際懲罰與法律規(guī)定有很大不同。兩帝國在帝國建立過程中,對個人性行為的控制促進了國家權(quán)力滲透到家庭,在一些很大程度上受習(xí)俗和個人意志支配的領(lǐng)域產(chǎn)生了法律。

Keywords: early China, Rome, law, adultery, incest, sexuality

關(guān)鍵詞:古代中國,羅馬,法律,通奸,亂倫,性行為



6. Obligation,Informed Consent, and Health-Care Reforms in China

義務(wù),知情同意和中國的醫(yī)療改革

劉佳(Jia Liu),華南理工大學(xué)公共政策研究院

Abstract: Drawing on recent jurisprudential literature that emphasizes the role andfunction performed by obligation, this article examines how the ethicaldoctrine of informed consent has been implemented in the context of health-carereforms in China. It argues that, while the Chinese incorporation of informedconsent has sought to empower patients, the major medical laws and socialpolicies fail to instantiate the obligations. Along with this failure, theChinese medical laws have also failed to secure the bond of trust between them.This article also points out that a rounded analysis of the implementation ofinformed consent in China must take into account the obligation and function ofthe major components of the health-care delivery system other than physiciansand hospitals, such as health-care insurance schemes.

摘要:在近期強調(diào)義務(wù)的作用與功能的法理學(xué)文獻(xiàn)基礎(chǔ)上,本文探討了知情同意倫理原則在中國醫(yī)療改革中的實施情況。本文認(rèn)為,盡管中國在引入知情同意制度時旨在賦能患者,但主要的醫(yī)療法和社會政策未能真正落實相關(guān)義務(wù)。此外,這種缺失還導(dǎo)致中國醫(yī)療法未能有效保障醫(yī)患之間的信任關(guān)系。本文還指出,要全面分析知情同意在中國的實施情況,必須考慮到醫(yī)療服務(wù)體系中除醫(yī)生和醫(yī)院之外的主要組成部分(如醫(yī)療保險制度)的義務(wù)和功能。

Keywords: obligation,informed consent, medical law, health-care reform, China

關(guān)鍵詞:義務(wù)、知情同意、醫(yī)療法、醫(yī)療改革、中國



7. Re-cloisteredFeminine Space: Chinese Women’s Prison in Shanghai, 1888–1912

重新封閉的女性空間:1888年至1912年中國上海的女子監(jiān)獄

馬超然(Chaoran Ma), 多倫多大學(xué)歷史系

AbstractThisarticle examines China’s first women’s prison in the context of diplomaticdisputes, legal reforms, and gender order at the turn of the twentieth century.It shows that the custody of female offenders in the Shanghai InternationalSettlement became a battleground in which the interests and perceptions of lateimperial China and the Western authorities clashed. Under pressure from theWestern authorities, the first Chinese women’s prison was established in 1907,even prior to the formal introduction of custodial sentences into China’scriminal code. Notably, the Chinese officials did not embrace prison as a morebenevolent punitive institution; rather, they saw it more as a tool toconsolidate its judicial sovereignty and preserve gender norms. For Chinesewomen, the prison, functioning as a re-cloistered feminine space, furtherentrenched the confinement of their bodies, thereby perpetuating rather thanchanging orthodox values of female chastity. This article questions theuniversal modernity of European penalties by pointing out that the introductionof imprisonment as a supposedly more civilized and humane form of punishmentmay have placed Chinese women at a greater disadvantage.

摘要:本文考察了20世紀(jì)初中國第一所女子監(jiān)獄在外交爭端、法律改革和性別秩序背景下的設(shè)立情況。文章表明,在上海公共租界中,女性罪犯的監(jiān)禁問題成為了晚清中國與西方當(dāng)局利益和觀念沖突的戰(zhàn)場。在西方當(dāng)局的壓力下,中國于1907年建立了第一所女子監(jiān)獄,甚至早于監(jiān)禁刑罰被正式納入中國刑法的時間。值得注意的是,中國官員并沒有將監(jiān)獄視為一種更為仁慈的懲罰機構(gòu);相反,他們更多地將其視為鞏固司法主權(quán)和維護性別規(guī)范的工具。對于中國女性而言,監(jiān)獄作為一種重新封閉的女性空間,進一步限制了她們的身體自由,從而延續(xù)而非改變了傳統(tǒng)的貞操價值觀。本文質(zhì)疑歐洲刑罰的普遍現(xiàn)代性,指出監(jiān)禁作為一種被認(rèn)為更加文明和人道的懲罰形式,可能反而使中國女性處于更加不利的地位。本文對歐洲刑罰的普遍現(xiàn)代性提出質(zhì)疑,指出監(jiān)禁作為一種更為文明、更為人道的懲罰形式,可能反而使中國女性處于更為不利的地位。

Keywords: women’s prison, diplomatic dispute, legal reform,gender order, modern China

關(guān)鍵詞: 女子監(jiān)獄,外交爭端,法律改革,性別秩序,近現(xiàn)代中國



8. Ideological andCultural Policy as Speech Policy: An Overlooked Aspect of Free Speech in China(1940s–2000s)

作為言論政策的思想文化政策:中國言論自由被忽視的一面(1940年代-2000年代)

左亦魯(Yilu Zuo),北京大學(xué)法學(xué)院

AbstractFree speech scholars havebeen preoccupied with laws, regulations, judicial opinions, and othertraditional “l(fā)egal” materials. However, this article examines anoften-overlooked object in at least studying China’s speech rights—theideological and cultural policy of the party-state. The party-state’sideological and cultural policy has not only, for better or worse, profoundlyshaped speech rights in China; and more significantly and paradoxically, italso contains the seed that might promote China’s speech rights in the future.The party-state has had a long and deep-rooted tradition of promoting ademocratic culture; by tracing the development of this tradition from the 1940sto the 2000s, this article argues that it may provide a new context and anglefor thinking about people’s right to cultural construction and perhaps freespeech in general in China.

摘要:言論自由領(lǐng)域的學(xué)者往往聚焦于法律、法規(guī)、裁判意見以及其他傳統(tǒng)意義上的“法律”素材。與之相異,本文考查了一個至少在中國言論權(quán)利研究中常被忽視的對象——黨和國家的思想文化政策。黨和國家的思想文化政策,深刻塑造了中國的言論權(quán)利;更為重要和復(fù)雜的是,其中還蘊含著推動中國言論權(quán)利未來發(fā)展的潛力。黨和國家在提倡民主文化方面擁有悠久而深厚的傳統(tǒng)。通過回溯這一傳統(tǒng)自1940年代至2000年代的發(fā)展歷程,本文試圖為思考中國人民的文化建設(shè)權(quán)利乃至更為廣泛的言論自由權(quán)利提供新的背景和視角。

Keywords: free speech, ideological and cultural policy, speech policy, ChineseConstitution, cultural construction

關(guān)鍵詞: 言論自由,思想文化政策,言論政策,中國憲法,文化建設(shè)



02 書評



The Japanese Imperial Monarchy as an Iconof Sociopolitical Signification - Japan’s Imperial House in the Postwar Era,1945?2019.

By Kenneth J. Ruoff. Cambridge, MA:Harvard University Asia Center, 2020, 419 pp. Hardcover $32.00

《戰(zhàn)后的日本皇室》,作者:KennethJ. Ruoff

Prostitution as the Critical GenderedParadox across Law, Society, and the State - The Regulation of Prostitution inChina: Law in the Everyday Lives of Sex Workers, Police Officers, and PublicHealth Officials.

By Margaret Boittin. Cambridge, UK:Cambridge University Press, 2024. 444pp. Hardcover: $135.00

《中國的賣淫監(jiān)管: 性工作者、警察和公共衛(wèi)生官員日常生活中的法律》,作者:MargaretBoittin

Positionality in InternationalSocio-Legal Scholarship - Out of Place: Fieldwork and Positionality in Law andSociety.

By Lynette J. Chua and Mark FathiMassoud. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2024. 213pp. Hardcover:$97.00

《格格不入:法律與社會中的田野研究與立場》,作者:Lynette J. Chua and Mark Fathi Massoud

友情鏈接:

專輯前言原文鏈接:

https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/asian-journal-of-law-and-society/article/foreword/8D5442037964FAB606ED261057193E26

《亞洲法與社會雜志》2024年第3期鏈接:

https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/asian-journal-of-law-and-society/latest-issue

《亞洲法與社會雜志》官網(wǎng)鏈接:

https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/asian-journal-of-law-and-society



專輯前言翻譯:張藝瑋

內(nèi)容摘要翻譯:馬萬儀、趙碧凡、

張藝瑋、莊祥、楊柳、梁朱祥

翻譯審核:陳曦宜


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