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一、研究論文

Resilience through Synergy? The Legal Complex in Sri Lanka’s Constitutional Crisis

通過協(xié)同實現(xiàn)韌性？斯里蘭卡憲法危機(jī)中的法律職業(yè)復(fù)合體

Dinesha Samararatne，科倫坡大學(xué)法學(xué)院公共與國際法系，墨爾本大學(xué)法學(xué)院比較憲法學(xué)桂冠項目

Abstract:

What types of institutional dynamics and conditions allow constitutional resilience in the face of attempts at undermining gains in a constitutional democracy? Using Sri Lanka as a case-study, I claim that the legal complex acting in synergy with independent public institutions (the Speaker of the Parliament) and civil society can produce constitutional resilience. Synergy between the legal complex and these institutions can transform constitutional vulnerability into constitutional resilience. I argue therefore that the legal complex theory must be extended to consider the ways in which it can work in synergy with other public institutions in being resilient against attempts at rolling back gains for constitutional democracy. I argue further that synergy between the legal complex and formal and informal institutions over the short term can only result in “simple” constitutional resilience. The development of “reflexive” constitutional resilience requires long-term synergy between the legal complex and other public institutions.

摘要：

當(dāng)面對破壞憲政民主成果的企圖時，哪些類型的制度動態(tài)和條件可以容許一種憲法韌性（constitutional resilience）的存在？以斯里蘭卡為例，我提出，與獨立公共機(jī)構(gòu)（議會議長）以及民間社會協(xié)同作用的法律職業(yè)復(fù)合體（legal complex）可以產(chǎn)生憲法韌性。法律職業(yè)復(fù)合體和這些制度之間的協(xié)同作用可以將憲法的脆弱性轉(zhuǎn)化為憲法的韌性。因此，我認(rèn)為，法律職業(yè)復(fù)合體理論必須擴(kuò)展，通過考慮它可以與其他公共制度協(xié)同工作的方式，以抵御那些試圖回滾憲政民主成果的企圖。我進(jìn)一步認(rèn)為，法律職業(yè)復(fù)合體與正式、非正式機(jī)構(gòu)在短期內(nèi)的協(xié)同作用只會帶來“簡單”的憲法韌性。 “反思性”憲法韌性的發(fā)展需要法律職業(yè)復(fù)合體和其他公共制度之間長期的協(xié)同作用。

Keywords: constitutional resilience; constitutional vulnerability; Sri Lanka; legal complex theory; constitutional crisis

關(guān)鍵詞：憲法韌性；憲法脆弱性；斯里蘭卡；法律職業(yè)復(fù)合體理論；憲法危機(jī)

Politics and the Federal Court of Malaysia, 1960-2018: An Empirical Investigation

政治與馬來西亞聯(lián)邦法院，1960-2018： 一項實證調(diào)查

Bj?rn Dressel，澳大利亞國立大學(xué)克勞福特公共政策學(xué)院副教授

Tomoo Inoue，筑波大學(xué)教授

Abstract:

Since its inception in 1957, Malaysia’s Federal Court (FC) has often been embroiled in high-profile decisions that have dramatically shaped the rule of law and constitutional practice in Malaysia. Recent political change has renewed hope that the FC can reassert its early role as an independent and impartial arbiter of political conflict. This paper investigates determinants of the FC’s behaviour since 1960. It draws on a unique data set of 102 major political cases and socio-biographic profiles of the 73 judges who voted in these cases. After describing patterns of court decisions across time and judges, we test specifically for the impact on their decisions of the 1988 judicial crisis, length of time on the bench, the terms of successive prime ministers, and judges’ personal attributes, such as religion and ethnicity. Ethnicity, appointment after 1988, and the appointing prime minister proved to be closely associated with the direction of voting. We then position the results in the context of Malaysia’s evolving constitutional democracy and discuss their implications for students of comparative judicial politics.

摘要：

自 1957 年成立以來，馬來西亞聯(lián)邦法院經(jīng)常卷入一些引人注目的裁決，這些裁決極大地塑造了馬來西亞的法治和憲法實踐。最近的政治變化重新燃起了人們對于馬來西亞聯(lián)邦法院能夠重新確立其早期作為獨立和公正的政治沖突仲裁者角色的希望。本文探究了自 1960 年以來決定聯(lián)邦法院行為的因素。我們運(yùn)用了一個獨特的數(shù)據(jù)集，該數(shù)據(jù)集包含 102 個主要政治案件以及在這些案件中投票的 73 名法官的社會生平資料。在描述了跨時間的和跨法官的法院判決模式之后，我們專門測試了 1988 年司法危機(jī)對他們判決的影響、在法官席位上的時間長短、歷任總理的任期以及法官的個人特征（如宗教和種族）。種族、1988 年之后的任命情況以及任命的總理被證明與投票方向密切相關(guān)。接著，我們將結(jié)果放在馬來西亞不斷發(fā)展的憲政民主背景下，并討論它們對于比較司法政治學(xué)研究者的影響。

Keywords: Empirical study, Federal Court of Malaysia

關(guān)鍵詞：經(jīng)驗研究；馬來西亞聯(lián)邦法院

Role of Clients, Lawyers, Judges, and Institutions in Hiking Litigation Costs in Bangladesh: An Empirical Study

客戶、律師、法官和機(jī)構(gòu)在孟加拉國訴訟成本提升中的作用：一項實證研究

Ummey Tahura，澳大利亞麥考瑞大學(xué)法學(xué)院博士生，孟加拉國法官

Abstract:

This paper investigates how individuals such as judges, lawyers, clients, and court staffers as well as institutions are elevating litigation costs in Bangladesh in multiple ways. It explores how the existing law and procedures as well as key institutions further promote case delay. It also examines the ways in which police departments and the prosecution contribute to elongate criminal trials and invite additional litigation costs. Empirical data collected through in-depth interviews are analyzed, drawing propositions to individuals’ contributions to delay in case-processing time and hike up litigation costs. Data analysis also assesses common people’s perceptions and expectations from the justice sector. Contemporary legal research has been critically analyzed, where needed.

摘要：

本文的調(diào)查對象是孟加拉國的法官、律師、客戶和法院工作人員等個人與機(jī)構(gòu)如何以多種方式提高了該國的訴訟成本。本文探討既有法律、程序及關(guān)鍵機(jī)構(gòu)如何進(jìn)一步加劇了案件的拖延。本文還研究了警察部門和檢方促成刑事審判的延長進(jìn)而造成額外訴訟費(fèi)用的方式。通過對深入訪談所收集之經(jīng)驗數(shù)據(jù)的研究，本文得出了關(guān)于個人對案件處理時間的拖延和訴訟成本增加起到作用的結(jié)論。數(shù)據(jù)分析部分地評估了普通人對于司法部門的看法與期望。必要處，本文還對當(dāng)代法律研究進(jìn)行了批判性分析。

Keywords: litigation cost; Bangladesh legal system; empirical research; individual and institutional contribution

關(guān)鍵詞：訴訟成本；孟加拉國司法系統(tǒng)；經(jīng)驗研究；個體與機(jī)構(gòu)的貢獻(xiàn)

A Quantitative Analysis of Legislation with Harsher Punishment in Japan

對日本更嚴(yán)厲刑罰立法的定量分析

Shunsuke Kyo，日本中京大學(xué)法學(xué)院

Abstract:

The purpose of this study is to show how the Japanese government has created laws with harsher punishment since the 1990s. While a tendency toward harsher punishment is common in advanced Western countries, a similar tendency in Japan has prompted scholarly discussion on whether it can be understood through the “penal-populism” framework. However, it lacks in systematic evidence. This study presents three findings that differ from previous studies through a quantitative analysis of legislation with harsher punishment. First, while previous literature argues that the legislation increased in the latter half of the 1990s, this study shows that it peaked in the middle of the 2000s. Second, while previous literature argues that the bureaucrats of the Ministry of Justice promote the legislation, this study shows that it is caused by every ministry’s drafting Bills. Third, this study shows that it does not quantitatively avoid partisan conflicts, contrary to the prediction of the “penal-populism” theory.

摘要：

本研究旨在說明日本政府自20世紀(jì)90年代以來是如何制定出刑罰更嚴(yán)厲的法律的。雖然在西方發(fā)達(dá)國家，刑罰嚴(yán)厲化的傾向是很常見的，但日本的類似傾向已經(jīng)引起了學(xué)者們關(guān)于是否可以通過“刑罰——民粹主義”框架來理解它的討論。然而，這缺乏系統(tǒng)的證據(jù)。本研究通過對更嚴(yán)厲刑罰的立法進(jìn)行定量分析，提出了三個不同于以往研究的結(jié)論。首先，以往文獻(xiàn)認(rèn)為，立法在20世紀(jì)90年代后半期增加，而本研究表明，它在21世紀(jì)中期達(dá)到頂峰。第二，以往文獻(xiàn)認(rèn)為，司法部的官僚推動了立法，而本研究表明，它是由各部門起草的法案造成的。第三，本研究表明，與“刑罰——民粹主義”理論的預(yù)測相反，刑罰更為嚴(yán)厲的立法并沒有在數(shù)量上避免黨派性沖突。

Keywords: (harsher) punishment; penal populism; legislation; criminal policy; Japan

關(guān)鍵詞：（更嚴(yán)厲的）刑罰；刑罰民粹主義；立法；刑事政策；日本

Legitimation of Illegality in Authoritarian States: The Case of Transnational Illegal Drug Brokerage in China

威權(quán)主義國家中非法性的正當(dāng)化：中國的跨國非法藥品代購案

Lantian Li，西北大學(xué)社會學(xué)系博士生

Abstract:

This paper analyzes how illegality can be legitimized in authoritarian states by examining a contested case of transnational illegal drug brokerage in China. Triangulating news articles, legal documents, and interviews, the study distinguishes between two pathways of illegality legitimation: depoliticized and politicized. I argue that the depoliticized pathway is made possible through pragmatic, moral, and legalistic frames, whereas the politicized pathway builds upon an institutional frame. I also identify the media as essential agents of illegality legitimation. While illegal-practice participants and the legal authority tend to only mobilize depoliticized frames, the media make both depoliticized and politicized efforts. Through this in-depth analysis, the paper deepens our understanding of the social construction of illegality and the intricate relation between law, media, and society within authoritarian states.

摘要：

本文通過審查一起在中國有爭議的跨國非法藥品代購案件，分析了非法性在威權(quán)主義國家如何被正當(dāng)化。通過對新聞報道、法律文件和訪談進(jìn)行三角分析，本研究區(qū)分了非法性正當(dāng)化的兩種途徑：去政治化和政治化。本文討論了去政治化的途徑是通過實用主義、道德和法律的框架成為可能的，而政治化的途徑則是建立在制度的框架之上。我認(rèn)為，媒體是非法性正當(dāng)化的重要媒介。非法實踐的參與者和法律權(quán)威傾向于只調(diào)動去政治化的框架，而媒體則同時作出去政治化和政治化的努力。通過這個深入分析，本文加深了我們對威權(quán)主義國家中非法性的社會建構(gòu)以及法律、媒體和社會之間錯綜復(fù)雜的關(guān)系的理解。

Keywords: illegality; legitimation; media; China; authoritarian state

關(guān)鍵詞: 非法性；正當(dāng)化；媒體；中國；威權(quán)主義國家

Suspended Execution beyond China’s Borders

中國大陸地區(qū)以外的死刑緩期執(zhí)行制度

Tobias Smith，Ohlone學(xué)院助理教授

Daniel Pascoe，香港城市大學(xué)法學(xué)院

Abstract:

Although China remains the world’s most prolific death-penalty jurisdiction, it has also reportedly reduced executions in the twenty-first century. China achieved this reduction in part through the use of a nominal capital sentence called “suspended execution.” The success of suspended execution as a diversionary tool has produced calls for its introduction elsewhere. However, there has been no empirical research on suspended execution outside China. This article fills this gap by identifying neighbouring countries where suspended-execution proposals have been considered, determining why these countries considered it, and examining how proposals were structured. We identify four Asian jurisdictions—Taiwan, Japan, Vietnam, and Indonesia. We find that all of these countries looked to China for inspiration; each did so independently and for reasons unrelated to China’s death-penalty reforms. Our findings provide insights about capital punishment in Asia, the appeal of suspended execution, and the role of China in regional penal practice.

摘要：

盡管中國的死刑判決量仍居于全球首位，但據(jù)報道，其在21世紀(jì)的死刑執(zhí)行已然出現(xiàn)下降。這部分是由于中國運(yùn)用了一種名為“緩期執(zhí)行”的名義上的死刑。死刑緩期作為實現(xiàn)轉(zhuǎn)變之工具的成功，引發(fā)了其他地區(qū)引進(jìn)這一制度的呼聲。然而，目前還沒有關(guān)于中國大陸以外地區(qū)的死刑緩期制度的實證研究。為填補(bǔ)此空隙，本文將識別出已然對死刑緩期方案予以考慮的相鄰法域，查證這些法域考慮這一制度的原因，并研究這些制度提案的具體結(jié)構(gòu)。我們確認(rèn)了四處亞洲法域，分別是臺灣地區(qū)、日本、越南和印度尼西亞。我們發(fā)現(xiàn)以上法域都參照中國以獲取制度改革的靈感；他們相互獨立地進(jìn)行了制度改革而改革的原因與中國的死刑改革無關(guān)。我們的研究結(jié)果會為亞洲的死刑刑罰、死刑緩期的上訴以及中國在區(qū)域性刑事實踐中的角色等提供見解。

Keywords: death penalty; China; legal diffusion; suspended execution; comparative criminal law

關(guān)鍵詞：死刑；中國；法律的傳播；死刑緩期執(zhí)行；比較刑法學(xué)

二、書評

Extra-Territorial Law of Deaths and Injuries in Semi-Colonial Siam

“半殖民暹羅關(guān)于傷亡的涉外法律”，作者Piya Pangsapa

Sovereign Necropolis: The Politics of Death in Semi-Colonial Siam. By Trais Pearson. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2020. xii + 252 pp. Hardcover $49.95

《主權(quán)墓園：半殖民暹羅的死亡政治》，作者Trais PEARSON

Legal History of Anti-Asian Racism in America

“美國的反亞裔種族主義法律史”，作者Jonathan Van Harmelen

The Rise and Fall of America’s Concentration Camp Law: Civil Liberties Debates from the Internment to McCarthyism and the Radical 1960s. By Masumi IZUMI. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2019. 274 pp. Hardcover $69.50

《美國集中營法律的興衰：從戰(zhàn)爭囚禁到麥肯錫主義到激進(jìn)60年代的民權(quán)辯論》，作者Masumi IZUMI

The State and the Corporation as Legal Fictions: Original Nation and Dissent

“作為法律虛構(gòu)的國家和法團(tuán)：原始的國家和異議”，作者Archie Zariski

Original Nation Approaches to Inter-National Law: The Quest for the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and Nature in the Age of Anthropocene. By Hiroshi FUKURAI & Richard KROOTH. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2021. xxii + 370 pp. Hardcover $127.99 doi:10.1007/978–3–030–59273–8

《接近國際法的原始國家方式：在人類紀(jì)追尋原始人類和自然的權(quán)利》，作者Hiroshi FUKURAI & Richard KROOTH